President and the Prime Minister the Whole Sovereign Independence of Taiwan, Cendrowski Wiesław Tomasz. The Gerschenkron Model on Post-Emancipation Russian Agriculture: How the Russian government bungled Land Reform (in his view): i) periodic Repartitions, or redistributions of peasant tenancy holdings -- in the form of plough strips scattered in and amongst the three Open Fields (as in pre-modern western Europe) -- according to family size, ii) the state: in providing the village Mir the powers to administer the operations of the Obshchina or village commune and to collect rents, taxes, and obrok. iii) The periodic Repartitions -- involving only 35% of Russian villages in 1870 and 87% in 1890 -necessarily encouraged the growth of family sizes, if only to protect family land-holdings, and led to a combination of rural overpopulation, disguised unemployment, and falling or even negative marginal productivity of labour. iv) Repartition killed incentive to improve lands worked, given the likelihood that the peasant family would lose some existing lands and hold new plough strips after the next Repartition. v) It also bred peasant grievances, because so many viewed the periodic Repartitions as unfair, especially when families lost lands. v) While Gerschenkron called this system irrational, the state's rational was to enhance the power of the village Mir, as the state's agent in collecting obrok and taxes. vi) None of the critics really deals with this Repartition issue: on how taxes should have been collected. b) A major consequence therefore was the other problem: Peasant immobility, and hence an inelastic and thus scarce supply of labour throughout the economy i) that remained the central curse, even though the supposed objective of abolishing serfdom was to give peasants freedom, including the freedom to move, and land. ii) According to Gerschenkron, peasant sons could not leave the obshchina without permission of both their fathers (family) and the Mir itself; iii) neither the father of the peasant family nor the mire could afford their departure and loss of determinants of both land holdings (in the next Repartition) and provision of village obrok. iv) Peasants who did manage to leave could not sell any land, which belonged to the family and to the Mir, and thus lacked the capital that emigrant German peasants enjoyed. c) In Gerschenkron's view, this highly adverse combination of peasant immobility and drastically falling productivity had highly predictable results that hindered industrialization and economic growth: i) a rigidly inelastic labour supply; ii) a grossly inadequate supply of educated and skilled labour -- leading Gerschenkron to argue that the scarcest input or resource in highly populous Russia was labour; iii) low incomes and thus inadequate demand for industrial goods in the domestic Russian market; iv) inadequate domestic supplies of savings and capital; iv) inadequate supplies of inputs for industrialization: not just labour, but also foodstuffs and industrial raw materials; v) and low levels of urbanization -- and European Russia was only 15% urbanized on the eve of World War I, in 1914 (but up from 6% in 1880). * 3.

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