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But that thesis logically pertains only to northern France and we brought forth other reasons for southern France, involving the institution of m�tayage or share-cropping. 3. The Fundamental Questions Posed in Lecture Topic no. 18 on French Agriculture: a) Were the perceived faults of French agriculture in the 19th century the product of: i) ill-advised features of the French Revolutionary Land Reforms, in particular: (1) guaranteeing the property rights of French peasants to the extent of preventing Enclosures, and thus the adoption of Convertible Husbandry, scale-economies, mechanization, etc. (2) The 1795 Inheritance Law: requiring equal subdivision of peasant holdings by inheritance, thus leading to continual �morcellement': or piece-meal, small-scale holdings ii) or the �Path Dependency': Patrick O'Brien's thesis that France was the victim of: (1) a combination of climate, topography and natural resource endowment inferior to those of Britain (and Germany) (2) the deeply imbedded survival of institutional features of French feudal-manorial agriculture: those that were the product of the pro-royalist anti-aristocratic legal decisions of the French Parlement guaranteeing th property rights of French peasants (but in fact only of the feudal villein peasants in the North b) Did the faults of 19th century French agriculture provide the principal impediments to the economic growth and industrialization of 19th-century France: in particular its slow rate of population growth and urbanization c) To what extent did the French Revolutionary Land Reforms provide the model for land reforms and agrarian changes elsewhere in 19th century continental Europe: especially in Germany and Russia Lecture Topic 20: French Banking and Financial Institutions in the 18th & 19th century: to 1914 a)This lecture began with another aspect of historical path-dependency: to explain why the heritage of French financial disasters, especially those of the 18th century, help to explain why the Bank of France, founded by Napoleon in 1800, pursued such ultra-conservative monetary policies, which they imposed on the private banking sector. b) The policies of the Bank of France were examined, dealing with the criticism that they unduly restricted the supply of money and of credit: making each too inelastic c) The evidence comparing central-bank interests rates in 19th century France, Germany, and Russia do not vindicate that negative view, since French rates were always the lowest d) A fair conclusion may be that financial conservatism served the French economy well, even though the Bank of France was reluctant to act as a central bank, as a lender of last resort i) we began by examining the structure of French private banking, centred on Paris, in the early 19th century: dominated by Protestants (Huguenots) and Jews ii) the reasons why these two minorities, subjects of considerable social and economic discrimination, dominated French private banking were discussed iii) a principal factor was the international nature of their commercial banking (linked to foreign trade) and the importance of international connections with co-religionists. i) The central part of the lecture dealt with the rise of a very radically new form of banking in continental Europe: investment banking, which first arose in the post-1815 new Kingdom of the Netherlands and then in France. ii) With a virtual vacuum in capital markets, in contrast to well developed capital markets to be found in Britain, and with far larger initial capital costs of industrialization, the British type of deposit banking offering only short-term credit, chiefly for financing working capital needs, would hardly suffice. iii) The new investment banks � the first of which was founded in Brussels in 1822 (then part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands) provided long-term financing for large-scale fixed capital requirement, iv) raising the investment capitals from the sale of stocks in their banks, but also by organizing syndicates to market Initial Public Offerings (IPO) in stocks and bonds. i) The next part of the lecture was a case study of the most prominent and indeed only true investment bank in 19th-century France: Credit Mobilier, which had a dazzling 15-year career (1852-1867), ii) until it collapsed in a liquidity crisis, one in which the Bank of France refused to act as Lender of Last Resort. iv) But following the collapse of Credit Mobilier, the Rothschilds took up investment banking, though restricting their investment banking large to other parts of Europe v) Whether or not France's banking and financial structure was a factor that either promoted or retarded 19th-century industrialization is an unresolved debate. d) patterns of French savings and investments: i) What is not debated is the fact that collectively the French came to invest almost 50% of their savings abroad, by 1914: for both institutional and political reasons (financing Russia as a counterpart to Imperial Germany). ii) Was this a result of �path dependency;" given the dominance of Protestant (Huguenot) and Jewish banking firms whose success had been based on their international connections with co-religionists and on international commercial and financial transactions? iii) or was it the result of traditional French business antipathy to banks and the reluctant of small French firms � family firms and partnerships � to subject themselves to the control of banks? 1 Authorship and the Films of read pdf old.gorvestnik.ru.

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